(Horoscope of John Hamilton, In Cl Ptolemaei of astrorum iudiciis , Basel 1578, p. 613) Another famous episodes of the biography of Cardano's journey Scotland. It is a well-known story, which has left us a fairly detailed account in his autobiographical works and autobibliográficas 1. Moved by a misunderstanding or rather, by a half-truth or lie half infiltrated the pages of De sapientia (which recognizes the cause of the mess frankly), Guillaume Casanate 2, the desperate doctor John Hamilton, Archbishop of St. Andrews and Primate of Scotland, gave him a Cardan a letter full of rhetoric asking him to Paris or Lyon to try to guard a respiratory ailment, probably asthma, which had dragged on for ten years and went from bad to worse. The letter, written on September 28, 1551, not reached until late November Cardano 3 because of the war that then took place between Henry II and Charles V. This, teachers jobs free and willing to visit France, he accepted and left Milan together with a small entourage 4 on February 22, 1552. On March 13 came to Lyon, having crossed the Alps on a route well marked by Cardano via Domodossola, Sion and Geneva. But there, in Lyon, there was no trace of the Archbishop or his doctor. Cardano had to wait 46 days, occupied in attending to the nobles of the city and write medical advice until Casanate presented with a new letter of Hamilton, dated February 4, 1552, in which he explained that overwhelmed for urgent and unavoidable obligations, could not leave their homeland and invited him to continue his journey to Scotland. The Archbishop, by his doctor, he hand-delivered 300 gold crowns for the expenses (to be added to the 200 who had already sent to Milan to go to France) and promised him ten crowns for each day was at your service in Scotland. Cardano, not without misgivings, agreed.
The last day of his stay in Lyon there was a singular incident, a school teacher came and asked for advice to a patient, after rejecting money in payment, the teacher offered to go to see a guy who was able to see demons in a vase, were there, Cardano found that this was a farce, and one thing leads to another, were put a hablar de un espejo inventado por Oronce Finé capaz de hacer fuego, que, no obstante, el milanés sabía ya había sido descubierto por Arquímedes; así que se pusieron a hablar de Arquímedes y el maestro le mostró una traducción de Arquímedes que había sido impresa junto al Tetrabiblos de Ptolomeo. Concretamente, el título del libro era: Cl. Ptolemaei ... Operis quadripartiti, in latinum semonem traductio adiectis libris posterioribus, Antonio Gogava Graviens. interprete ... Item, De sectione conica, orthogona, quae parabula dicitur: Deque speculo ustorio, libelli duo, hactenus desiderati: restituti ab Antonio Gogava Graviensi. Cum praefatione D. Gemmae Frisii (Lovaina, 1548). Anyway, to sum up, the teacher ended up giving it away to Cardano and there, during the boat trip to Paris, began his Comment to the work of Ptolemy, who would see the light in 1554, dedicated to John Hamilton and including horoscopes and doctor it 5 .
From Lyon, then through the Loire, and Cardano Casanate reached Paris, where the first had occasion to visit the real treasure of the Abbey of Saint-Denis (where it was stored, according to the author's story, full of unicorn horn 6 ) and meet with real doctors Fernel Jean Jacques Dubois (Sylvius) and another unnamed, who had already previously been consulted and given their views on the illness of the Archbishop of St. Andrews (which, moreover, had also made imperial physicians). He also met there in Ranconnet Aimar, "President des Enquesta in Parlement" of the city, who will be remembered many times in the work of Cardano 7. The Fine Oronce said, however, refused to visit. Paris followed the Seine to Rouen, then followed up to Boulogne-sur-Mer, where they were escorted to Calais (then still held by English), crossed the Channel, passed through London on 29 June and arrived, finally , Edinburgh, where waiting for Archbishop John Hamilton.
This John Hamilton (1511-1571) was the brother "natural" or bastard of James Hamilton, second Earl of Arran, who was regent for Mary of Scotland since 1542 (year of the death of James V) to 1554 (he resigned in favor of Mary of Lorraine) and was instrumental in changing and ambiguous between the faction Anglophile / Francophile and Protestant / Catholic in the religious upheaval and political landscape in Scotland. It is likely that, as Morley and Waters say, Archbishop John had something to do with the removal of his brother to the Catholic side. No doubt, in any case, it was a man he too powerful and influential in politics. Had succeeded the assassinated Archbishop David Beaton at St. Andrews in 1546 and the same time he received the post of treasurer of the kingdom. From 1548 to 1559 promoted and participated in a series of synods in order to curb the increasing influence of the Protestants in Scotland, the one held in the year 1552 (the same as the visit of Cardano) emerged a catechism known as Archbishop Hamilton's Catechism. In 1560 the Scottish Parliament formally adopted the Reformed confession, which began the decline of the archbishop, who was jailed in 1563. The Catholic Mary Stuart, who in 1561 had returned from his long stay in France, succeeded him out of jail and in 1566 gave it the baptism of his son, the future James VI of Scotland and I of England. But after the downfall of Queen the following year (forced to abdicate in favor of the same child), the failure of Langside in 1568 (where it seems that the Archbishop was present) and the murder of the Regent Moray in 1570 (at the hands of a relative of the Primate), Hamilton had no choice but to take refuge in Dumbarton Castle. From there he was taken, accused of complicity in the murder of Moray and Lord Darnley and hanged with pontifical habits in the market place in Sterling on April 6, 1571.
Cardano remained to next 75 days. The first 40 days, according to his own testimony, continued the treatment advised by doctors in Paris, it had already been using Casanate, to no avail, the next 35, applied a new cure, based on a different diagnosis, with results favorable. Without having completed treatment, on September 13 led the way back to Milan, "relinquens prolixum satis tamen consilium, quod itinere partim, partim confecerem ibi (OOI 93rd), ie leaving in writing, however, a council or medical opinion would have to follow the medical care which should match the Consilium XXII those included in Volume IX of the Opera Omnia , the longest by far of the collection, entitled: difficultate respirandi De Ioanna DD Most Reverend pro Archiepiscopo Ecclesiae Sancti Andreae Cathedralis regni Scotiae (OOIX 123b-152b) . In the same volume is given another Consilium aimed at Hamilton, the LII, fairly short, entitled: sive vitae ratio pro Ephemeris Most Reverend D. Ioanna Sancti Andreae Archiepiscopo Amulthon DD (OOIX 225th to 230th). Apparently, this second council, dated at Edinburgh on September 12, 1552, would have been made at the request of Archbishop (principium quod preces sunt Praecepta ") and consisted in a series of rules designed for their own use 8.
So, as it had begun to tell, on 13 began the return journey home, with bags of money and filled present the archbishop, who in vain had tried to hold him. On the way, she passed through London, where he was received by the young and sickly King Edward VI, whose erudition and wit impressed Cardano and who drew an unlucky horoscope, also published with your comment Ptolemy-that has given much to talk and laugh about. At the end of his life, Cardano remember how rejected 500 to 1000 crowns gold for refusing to grant the king the title of "Osservatore fidei 9. Moreover, this interview also showed the monarch a manuscript version of De rerum varietate , then unpublished, which was working, and given an opportunity to discuss the chapter on comets. During his stay in London was hosted at the home of John Cheke, tutor to the King, Secretary of State and an authority on Greek studies, and also met Claude de Laval de Bois-Dauphin, the French ambassador in England, and before had become friends with his counterpart in Scotland: Henri d'Oysel Clutin. Cheke and wrote the corresponding Laval horoscope.
And from London to Dover, to embark for the continent. In the port city was another singular event though tragic end. It occurred to Cardano brought him to Italy to an English boy, and after some inquiries, found him the evening before leaving the house of his host: one William (Guglielmus), twelve years old, good and obedient, descending Genoese, but did not understand a word of Italian or Latin. Cardano noticed this in full journey and tried to convince the boy in order to return to his land by the old procedure of beating beatings with a stick. The kid was not intimidated and followed his master to Milan. The outcome of the story tells us Cardano in the introduction to Dialogus de Morte, cui titulus est Guglielmus : always busy with other chores and the care of their own children, the author could not properly take care of the boy's education and finally, when in 1560 he got a professorship at Pavia, leave it finally committed to a tailor. Under the harsh conditions imposed by the new employer (which used more as a laborer in a vineyard that had to be apprenticed to a tailor), William only lasted six months, fell ill and died, and Cardano then sang the "mea culpa" by all faults in the Dialogue death titled "Guglielmus" 10 .
So in the company of William, Cardano shipped to Europe, this time cut through the Netherlands, Germany and Switzerland, for fear of bands of thieves who, as a result of the war raged in France. In Paris, as he came to know later, was waiting for a group of forty nobles who came from all provinces galas for the cure. In the De propria vita Cardano offers a fairly detailed list of the cities visited on his return trip: Gravelines, Antwerp, Bruges, Ghent, Brussels, Leuven, Mechelen, Lierre, Aachen, Cologne, Koblenz, Cleves, Andernach, Mainz, Worms, Speyer, Strasbourg, Basel, Neustadt, Bern, Besançon, Chur and Chiavenna. In all these places, he says, only took some time in Antwerp, Basel (where he tried to Guglielmo Grataroli) and Besançon (where he was received by the bishop of Lisieux, who was then: Jacques d'Annebault). Perhaps the recent encounter with the Inquisition made him forget to Cardano in this respect his brief visit to Zurich and his meeting there with Conrad Gesner, of which, however, had offered testimony at the De rerum varietate (OOIII 261st).
December 30, 1552, 310 or 311 days after travel 11, I was back in Milan. Year and a half later, on October 1, 1554, received another letter from John Hamilton in which he thanked him for his services, he realized his improvement and presumably (it seems to respond to the reference to Casanate: "last year went to visit his father and has not returned "), offered him a job as a doctor at his side, inviting, in any case, Cardano refused.
As Morley said in his biography, the year-long journey and those that immediately followed coincided with the period of greatest international fame Cardano, which he himself contributed in no small trip measure. Wherever it went it was raining offers for nobles to attend, and to Charles V, Henry II and Mary of Lorraine requested their services, as well as, shortly after his return, Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga, Regent of his nephews Francesco and William, Duke of Mantua, and that was about to be pope. For one reason or another, Cardano rejected all these sumptuous offerings. In fact, though always had friends, clients and protectors (some very well placed), the Hamilton was the only offer he accepted Cardano in his life to become something like someone's personal physician and Scotland, single journey he undertook some major by a contract physician. The rest of your travels, within the perimeter Italian bids were due to teachers or personal circumstances. As ruled in the final redaction of propriis De libris "is much better to live independently in their own country with few passable income than rich and opulent in exile and bondage" (tr. Francis Socas, My books , Akal, Madrid, 2002, p. 181).
However, this trip left traces in his later work transcends, without doubt, the bouquet of biographical anecdotes, horoscopes and medical advice that led directly to him, although its full extent is difficult to calculate. The reader De rerum varietate probably understood what I mean. There was an extension of view, Europeanisation, so to speak, in the interests of Cardano until then, if we except the passion for classical antiquity shared by all their peers, rather confined to the Italian environment and to Milan. But it is incorrect to say that before I felt no curiosity about what was brewing outside their homeland, as evidenced, among other things, unusual interest, for what was standard at the time, for all the news from the New World already showed signs of the De subtilitate , but would to say, rather, that the trip to Scotland was offered a first-hand material, not merely bookish, with which to satisfy their curiosity without limits and to fill their books new and reliable data. So, despite the longing for his homeland and his people and despite all the difficulties at that time, conveyed a similar trip, did not fail to remember in the Guglielmus : "atque etiam magnam voluptatem coepi, tot invisendo provinces est voluptas Itaquara saltem viventibus HAEC. Served
therefore the best I could, the story that provides context, which then offer are the three cards that I mentioned throughout the story: the first, Casanate Cardan (September 28, 1551) to propose a meeting with Hamilton in Paris or Lyon, the second Cardan Hamilton (February 4, 1552), to convince him to go to Scotland and the last (October 1, 1554), Hamilton again Cardan, to inform their improvement and suggest a new offer. The three were included by Cardano in the third version of De libris propriis or, to call it by its true name, in the Liber de libris propriis, eorumque ordine et usu, ac operibus mirabilibus per ipsum in medical art factis , published in Lyon by Guillaume de Roville the 1557. In a way, this book was a mixture of two autobiographical books different: the De libris propriis and De mirabilibus operibus per ipsum in medical art factis , work will henceforth an independent publishing history 12. Accordingly, Ian Maclean, the modern editor of the various versions of De libris propriis , decided not to include in his critical edition of the version of 1557 the share of mirabilibus operibus in medical art factis per ipsum, at the end of which were three letters. Then we do not have a critical edition of the letters and, as of now, there has appeared no digital reproduction of the original edition, one must see the Opera Omnia 1663. Cardano offered, moreover, a summary of the three cards in the next version of De libris propriis (1562) (OOI 136B-137B) and Henry Morley translated them into English in his biography above, omitting, yes, something the superfluous verbiage of Casanate not to bore your readers. Since I see me free of that danger, reproduced in full below.
The last day of his stay in Lyon there was a singular incident, a school teacher came and asked for advice to a patient, after rejecting money in payment, the teacher offered to go to see a guy who was able to see demons in a vase, were there, Cardano found that this was a farce, and one thing leads to another, were put a hablar de un espejo inventado por Oronce Finé capaz de hacer fuego, que, no obstante, el milanés sabía ya había sido descubierto por Arquímedes; así que se pusieron a hablar de Arquímedes y el maestro le mostró una traducción de Arquímedes que había sido impresa junto al Tetrabiblos de Ptolomeo. Concretamente, el título del libro era: Cl. Ptolemaei ... Operis quadripartiti, in latinum semonem traductio adiectis libris posterioribus, Antonio Gogava Graviens. interprete ... Item, De sectione conica, orthogona, quae parabula dicitur: Deque speculo ustorio, libelli duo, hactenus desiderati: restituti ab Antonio Gogava Graviensi. Cum praefatione D. Gemmae Frisii (Lovaina, 1548). Anyway, to sum up, the teacher ended up giving it away to Cardano and there, during the boat trip to Paris, began his Comment to the work of Ptolemy, who would see the light in 1554, dedicated to John Hamilton and including horoscopes and doctor it 5 .
From Lyon, then through the Loire, and Cardano Casanate reached Paris, where the first had occasion to visit the real treasure of the Abbey of Saint-Denis (where it was stored, according to the author's story, full of unicorn horn 6 ) and meet with real doctors Fernel Jean Jacques Dubois (Sylvius) and another unnamed, who had already previously been consulted and given their views on the illness of the Archbishop of St. Andrews (which, moreover, had also made imperial physicians). He also met there in Ranconnet Aimar, "President des Enquesta in Parlement" of the city, who will be remembered many times in the work of Cardano 7. The Fine Oronce said, however, refused to visit. Paris followed the Seine to Rouen, then followed up to Boulogne-sur-Mer, where they were escorted to Calais (then still held by English), crossed the Channel, passed through London on 29 June and arrived, finally , Edinburgh, where waiting for Archbishop John Hamilton.
This John Hamilton (1511-1571) was the brother "natural" or bastard of James Hamilton, second Earl of Arran, who was regent for Mary of Scotland since 1542 (year of the death of James V) to 1554 (he resigned in favor of Mary of Lorraine) and was instrumental in changing and ambiguous between the faction Anglophile / Francophile and Protestant / Catholic in the religious upheaval and political landscape in Scotland. It is likely that, as Morley and Waters say, Archbishop John had something to do with the removal of his brother to the Catholic side. No doubt, in any case, it was a man he too powerful and influential in politics. Had succeeded the assassinated Archbishop David Beaton at St. Andrews in 1546 and the same time he received the post of treasurer of the kingdom. From 1548 to 1559 promoted and participated in a series of synods in order to curb the increasing influence of the Protestants in Scotland, the one held in the year 1552 (the same as the visit of Cardano) emerged a catechism known as Archbishop Hamilton's Catechism. In 1560 the Scottish Parliament formally adopted the Reformed confession, which began the decline of the archbishop, who was jailed in 1563. The Catholic Mary Stuart, who in 1561 had returned from his long stay in France, succeeded him out of jail and in 1566 gave it the baptism of his son, the future James VI of Scotland and I of England. But after the downfall of Queen the following year (forced to abdicate in favor of the same child), the failure of Langside in 1568 (where it seems that the Archbishop was present) and the murder of the Regent Moray in 1570 (at the hands of a relative of the Primate), Hamilton had no choice but to take refuge in Dumbarton Castle. From there he was taken, accused of complicity in the murder of Moray and Lord Darnley and hanged with pontifical habits in the market place in Sterling on April 6, 1571.
Cardano remained to next 75 days. The first 40 days, according to his own testimony, continued the treatment advised by doctors in Paris, it had already been using Casanate, to no avail, the next 35, applied a new cure, based on a different diagnosis, with results favorable. Without having completed treatment, on September 13 led the way back to Milan, "relinquens prolixum satis tamen consilium, quod itinere partim, partim confecerem ibi (OOI 93rd), ie leaving in writing, however, a council or medical opinion would have to follow the medical care which should match the Consilium XXII those included in Volume IX of the Opera Omnia , the longest by far of the collection, entitled: difficultate respirandi De Ioanna DD Most Reverend pro Archiepiscopo Ecclesiae Sancti Andreae Cathedralis regni Scotiae (OOIX 123b-152b) . In the same volume is given another Consilium aimed at Hamilton, the LII, fairly short, entitled: sive vitae ratio pro Ephemeris Most Reverend D. Ioanna Sancti Andreae Archiepiscopo Amulthon DD (OOIX 225th to 230th). Apparently, this second council, dated at Edinburgh on September 12, 1552, would have been made at the request of Archbishop (principium quod preces sunt Praecepta ") and consisted in a series of rules designed for their own use 8.
So, as it had begun to tell, on 13 began the return journey home, with bags of money and filled present the archbishop, who in vain had tried to hold him. On the way, she passed through London, where he was received by the young and sickly King Edward VI, whose erudition and wit impressed Cardano and who drew an unlucky horoscope, also published with your comment Ptolemy-that has given much to talk and laugh about. At the end of his life, Cardano remember how rejected 500 to 1000 crowns gold for refusing to grant the king the title of "Osservatore fidei 9. Moreover, this interview also showed the monarch a manuscript version of De rerum varietate , then unpublished, which was working, and given an opportunity to discuss the chapter on comets. During his stay in London was hosted at the home of John Cheke, tutor to the King, Secretary of State and an authority on Greek studies, and also met Claude de Laval de Bois-Dauphin, the French ambassador in England, and before had become friends with his counterpart in Scotland: Henri d'Oysel Clutin. Cheke and wrote the corresponding Laval horoscope.
And from London to Dover, to embark for the continent. In the port city was another singular event though tragic end. It occurred to Cardano brought him to Italy to an English boy, and after some inquiries, found him the evening before leaving the house of his host: one William (Guglielmus), twelve years old, good and obedient, descending Genoese, but did not understand a word of Italian or Latin. Cardano noticed this in full journey and tried to convince the boy in order to return to his land by the old procedure of beating beatings with a stick. The kid was not intimidated and followed his master to Milan. The outcome of the story tells us Cardano in the introduction to Dialogus de Morte, cui titulus est Guglielmus : always busy with other chores and the care of their own children, the author could not properly take care of the boy's education and finally, when in 1560 he got a professorship at Pavia, leave it finally committed to a tailor. Under the harsh conditions imposed by the new employer (which used more as a laborer in a vineyard that had to be apprenticed to a tailor), William only lasted six months, fell ill and died, and Cardano then sang the "mea culpa" by all faults in the Dialogue death titled "Guglielmus" 10 .
So in the company of William, Cardano shipped to Europe, this time cut through the Netherlands, Germany and Switzerland, for fear of bands of thieves who, as a result of the war raged in France. In Paris, as he came to know later, was waiting for a group of forty nobles who came from all provinces galas for the cure. In the De propria vita Cardano offers a fairly detailed list of the cities visited on his return trip: Gravelines, Antwerp, Bruges, Ghent, Brussels, Leuven, Mechelen, Lierre, Aachen, Cologne, Koblenz, Cleves, Andernach, Mainz, Worms, Speyer, Strasbourg, Basel, Neustadt, Bern, Besançon, Chur and Chiavenna. In all these places, he says, only took some time in Antwerp, Basel (where he tried to Guglielmo Grataroli) and Besançon (where he was received by the bishop of Lisieux, who was then: Jacques d'Annebault). Perhaps the recent encounter with the Inquisition made him forget to Cardano in this respect his brief visit to Zurich and his meeting there with Conrad Gesner, of which, however, had offered testimony at the De rerum varietate (OOIII 261st).
December 30, 1552, 310 or 311 days after travel 11, I was back in Milan. Year and a half later, on October 1, 1554, received another letter from John Hamilton in which he thanked him for his services, he realized his improvement and presumably (it seems to respond to the reference to Casanate: "last year went to visit his father and has not returned "), offered him a job as a doctor at his side, inviting, in any case, Cardano refused.
As Morley said in his biography, the year-long journey and those that immediately followed coincided with the period of greatest international fame Cardano, which he himself contributed in no small trip measure. Wherever it went it was raining offers for nobles to attend, and to Charles V, Henry II and Mary of Lorraine requested their services, as well as, shortly after his return, Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga, Regent of his nephews Francesco and William, Duke of Mantua, and that was about to be pope. For one reason or another, Cardano rejected all these sumptuous offerings. In fact, though always had friends, clients and protectors (some very well placed), the Hamilton was the only offer he accepted Cardano in his life to become something like someone's personal physician and Scotland, single journey he undertook some major by a contract physician. The rest of your travels, within the perimeter Italian bids were due to teachers or personal circumstances. As ruled in the final redaction of propriis De libris "is much better to live independently in their own country with few passable income than rich and opulent in exile and bondage" (tr. Francis Socas, My books , Akal, Madrid, 2002, p. 181).
However, this trip left traces in his later work transcends, without doubt, the bouquet of biographical anecdotes, horoscopes and medical advice that led directly to him, although its full extent is difficult to calculate. The reader De rerum varietate probably understood what I mean. There was an extension of view, Europeanisation, so to speak, in the interests of Cardano until then, if we except the passion for classical antiquity shared by all their peers, rather confined to the Italian environment and to Milan. But it is incorrect to say that before I felt no curiosity about what was brewing outside their homeland, as evidenced, among other things, unusual interest, for what was standard at the time, for all the news from the New World already showed signs of the De subtilitate , but would to say, rather, that the trip to Scotland was offered a first-hand material, not merely bookish, with which to satisfy their curiosity without limits and to fill their books new and reliable data. So, despite the longing for his homeland and his people and despite all the difficulties at that time, conveyed a similar trip, did not fail to remember in the Guglielmus : "atque etiam magnam voluptatem coepi, tot invisendo provinces est voluptas Itaquara saltem viventibus HAEC. Served
therefore the best I could, the story that provides context, which then offer are the three cards that I mentioned throughout the story: the first, Casanate Cardan (September 28, 1551) to propose a meeting with Hamilton in Paris or Lyon, the second Cardan Hamilton (February 4, 1552), to convince him to go to Scotland and the last (October 1, 1554), Hamilton again Cardan, to inform their improvement and suggest a new offer. The three were included by Cardano in the third version of De libris propriis or, to call it by its true name, in the Liber de libris propriis, eorumque ordine et usu, ac operibus mirabilibus per ipsum in medical art factis , published in Lyon by Guillaume de Roville the 1557. In a way, this book was a mixture of two autobiographical books different: the De libris propriis and De mirabilibus operibus per ipsum in medical art factis , work will henceforth an independent publishing history 12. Accordingly, Ian Maclean, the modern editor of the various versions of De libris propriis , decided not to include in his critical edition of the version of 1557 the share of mirabilibus operibus in medical art factis per ipsum, at the end of which were three letters. Then we do not have a critical edition of the letters and, as of now, there has appeared no digital reproduction of the original edition, one must see the Opera Omnia 1663. Cardano offered, moreover, a summary of the three cards in the next version of De libris propriis (1562) (OOI 136B-137B) and Henry Morley translated them into English in his biography above, omitting, yes, something the superfluous verbiage of Casanate not to bore your readers. Since I see me free of that danger, reproduced in full below.
Notes
DLP 1, pp. 199-200, 266-267, 345-348; De propria vita, OOI 4b, 18a-b, 32b, also Dialogus cui titulus est Morte Guglielmus , OOI 673-689. As always secondary literature can usefully refer to the old biographies of Henry Morley ( The life of Girolamo Cardano, of Milan, physician , Chapman and Hall, London, 1854, vol. II, pp. 74-153 , 160-162) and WG Waters ( Jerome Cardan. A Biographical study , Lawrence & Bullen, London, 1898, pp. 111-148) can not say the same article by Charles L. Dana, "The story of a great Consultation. Jerome Cardan goes to Edinburgh "in Annals of Medical History, III (1921), pp. 122-135, which adds nothing to the above and contains algunos errores de bulto. Más recientes son los artículos de Germana Ernst, "'Veritatis amor dulcissimus'. Aspects of astrology in Cardano ", en Eckhard Kessler (ed.), Girolamo Cardano Philosoph, Naturforscher, Arzt , Harrasowitz Verlag, Wiesbaden, 1994, pp. 157-184; Aquilecchia John, "The experience of Anglo-Scottish Cardano Inquisition", y en Marialuisa Baldi Guido Canziani (eds.), Girolamo Cardano. The works, sources, life , FrancoAngeli, Milán, 1999, pp. 379-391; Simonutti y Luisa, "Cardano in England: the dialogues and Tetim Guglielmus", y en Marialuisa Baldi Guido Canziani (eds.), Cardano e la tradizione dei saperi , FrancoAngeli, Milan, 2004, pp. 271-280.
2 The main source of information on Casanate Guillaume or William Cassanate are themselves works of Cardano. In the horoscope charted it (OOV 541b-544B) contains the date of his birth, October 5, 1519, and informs us of their origin, Besançon, where he had settled and her father was still alive, of English origin. Apart from the references cited in the previous note, see: John D. Comrie, History of Scottish Medicine to 1860 , Baillière, Tindall & Cox, London, 1927, pp. 69-76.
3 In propriis De libris 1562, Cardano states that the letter did not come until the beginning of next year ("Be we solum initio anni sequentis accepimus bunk, propter impedimenta ex saevissimis viarum inter Caesarem regemque Gallorum bellis orta, DLP, p. 346), but the Archbishop Hamilton, the second collection letter here, informs us of a letter sent to him by Cardan on 23 November.
4 In the De libris propriis of 1557 states that it took five "families" (OOI 93rd), a word which in Latin refers ambiguously both raised as members of the family. Cardano does not offer many details, but it gives at least the names of three of them: Giovanni Paolo Paladino, who urged him to land in Scotland to return to Milan, the physician Gasparo Cardano, in the return trip left the group , commanded by Girolamo to Paris, and met a band of thieves (probably the same one mentioned in the De propria vita , OOI 26b, as his disciple and was said to be teaching in Rome) and Gianangelo Anon, who appoints the Guglielmus . One of the five, less than exemplary behavior ("maledicus, invidus, avarissimus, contemptor Dei"), must make a hard shot to the philosopher than in Scotland, as it has among the reasons for their rapid return to Milan.
5 In Pelusiensis Ptolemaei Cl IIII of Astrorum Iudiciis, ut aut vocant vulgar, books Constructionis Quadripartitae Comment ... Basel, H. Petri, 1554, reprinted in Lyon the following year and in Basel on 1578, with the addition of some Dasypodius Cunradus work. According to Germana Ernst (op. cit., P. 158), this latest edition also features several variations compared to the previous two, most notably the omission of the famous horoscope of Christ. The edition of the Opera Omnia resumes text of 1578 and, in turn, omits the dedicatory letter to Hamilton and other introductory writings. However, given the celebrity who had reached earlier horoscope back included in some of its units, but not all, as you can see the reader by comparing the digitized copy the University of Valencia (which does not include) in the Progetto Cardano (which does include it) (I, for my part, I could see another exemplary nor included: the digitized by the "Giardino Archimede" I bought on CD-rom, before there were such great free digital editions.) This is important because it helps explain the strange perhaps adopting the horoscope page in the samples of the Opera Omnia that include (OOV 221-222, the following two pages repeat the same page numbers: 221 and 222, while the page 220, after finishing the chapter, is mostly white) in a different way than it does Ernst, for whom inclusion is due to a late horoscope ( Ibid., p. 158, n. 4). In my opinion, this anomaly might be attributed rather to a deliberate double print version, so that the reader version censored (not horoscope) did not notice his absence by the subsequent jump pages. To date, I have not noticed other discrepancies between copies of this edition, however, would be of interest to carry out a rigorous examination to confirm this hypothesis.
For the twelve horoscopes of famous people (Edward VI, John Hamilton, Claude Laval, John Cheke, Aimar of Ranconnet, Giovan Giacomo Medici, Francesco Sfondrati, the author Girolamo Cardano, Guglielmo Casanate, Pope Paul III, his son Pier Luigi Farnese and Erasmus of Rotterdam), which in the original edition followed the text of comment along with other writings complementary, are generally known by the name of geniturarum Liber XII, which is received in the edition of the Opera Omnia , although Cardano conceived as exemplifying the practice of previous theoretical section and, as such , and called Exempla . There is an independent publication of these Exempla by the same printer and in the same place and year that the second edition of Comment: Geniturarum exemplar. Praeterea et fine et electione quae pertinent ad Interrogationes superaddita. Consecutive quam et est exemplum Eclipsis gravissimas pestis.
6 De propria vita, OOI 18th. In chapter 97 of De rerum varietate Cardano offers a more detailed description of the treasure of the abbey (OOIII 343rd-b) and horn in particular (OOIII 341st-b). See Luisa Simonutti, "'miraculously and mirabilia' operate in alcuna di Cardano" in M. Baldi and G. Canziani (eds.), Girolamo Cardano . We operate, we fonti, la vita , op. cit., pp. 181-214, especially p. 207.
7 Cardano, in fact, wrote his horoscope (OOV 513th to 514th), as pointed out in De rerum varietate making a defense of alchemy by Sibylline verses (OOIII 207b), and related his unfortunate death in the first book of Theonoston (International Organisations 354b), all without counting the multiple references in the De propria vita and propriis De libris, which stated several times that he corresponded with him.
8 The two councils were originally published in the first volume of Ars parva curandi (Basel, ex Officina Henricpetrina, 1566), of which there is still no complete edition scanned and I could not ask for other media. The University of Granada maimed have scanned a copy of the second volume, which includes only pages 1343-1621 ( De aqua, aqua Vitali seu of aethera and Cyna De radice ), ie, medical works, lacking, however, the philosophical Dialectica ; Hyperchen ; In Socratis studio and Dialogus of straight Antigorgias vivendi ratione seu (pp. 1003-1342), according to the criteria Inquisition. To be exact the copy came from the College of the Society of Jesus of Granada ... When I was climbing the post to the blog, I've been pleasantly surprised that the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek another copy has been digitized, uncensored the second volume. It is not the volume that contains the consilia , but welcome.
9 De propria vita OOI 18b. See also letter to the Congregation of Cardinals Ilustrísimos Index (included in the abovementioned article of Aquilecchia, p. 380-381), where Cardano says: "haver metutto the vitta in Danger in Inghilterra per diffesa del'honor di della Cathedra S. to Pietro. "
10 The dialogue was first published in the collection of brief treatises that accompanied the printing of Somniorum Synesiorum (Basel, Heinrich Petri, 1562), set which was reissued in 1585 . Apart from the introduction (673-674 OOI), which summarizes its vicissitudes Cardano next to the boy and recounts the mistakes in it, body-dialogue between himself and a certain Giovanni Pietro Albuci completely unknown to me, slip some impressions of his trip to Scotland. However, the purpose of the dialogue goes far beyond the autobiographical and connects with issues dear to its author as the moral excellence before death and the immortality of souls. See article cited earlier Simonutti Luisa, "Cardano in Inghilterra ...".
11 El cómputo, evidentemente, es de Cardano. En el De libris propriis de 1557 da la cifra de 310 jornadas (OOI 93a: “ccxxxv diebus in itinere, lxxv apud Archiepiscopum consumptis”); la de 311 proviene del De propria vita (OOI 4b: “abfui cccxi diebus”). En su autohoróscopo del Liber XII geniturarum da una cifra discordante con éstas y con las fechas manejadas en todos los recuentos autobiográficos (OOV 535a: “permansi ergo extra patriam diebus 335”).
12 Como el De libris propriis y su propio horóscopo, este libro sobre sus curaciones y predicciones admirable reworked several times throughout his life, is a third kind autobiographical biography eventually converge in total, which is the De propria vita . However, it has not received much attention as the other two genera by the researchers, with the exception of Siraisi ( The Clock and the Mirror. Girolamo Cardano and Renaissance Medicine , Princeton University Press, New Jersey, 1997 , p. 24-ff. and n. 2, 149-173, 207-seq. et passim; "Girolamo Cardano and the Art of Medical Narrative," in Journal of the History of Ideas , LII (1991), pp . 581-602, especially pp. 592 et seq.). The first version of this book is certainly it, attached to propriis De libris 1557, while both parties are clearly distinguishable (in the edition of the Opera Omnia the De mirabilibus operibus per ipsum in medical art occupies pages factis 82nd -95). The second version, entitled De curationibus & praedictionibus admirandis , is that which appeared in the aforementioned miscellany of texts that accompanied the issue of Somniorum Synesiorum , among whom was also the final version of De libris propriis , but here we appear as two separate tracts, as the author stresses en los preliminares: “Hunc librum in Catalogum caeterorum non solum ob parvitatem ascribere neglexi, sed quod antea pars fuerit libri de Libris propriis: nunc postquam eam tractationem ab illa seiunxi, visum est, ut breviter quae mihi in arte contigerunt mira, enarrem”. Una tercera edición, que no versión ―pues reproduce el texto de la anterior―, es la aparecida como tercera sección del De methodo medendi (París, Philippe Gaultier de Roville, 1565), obra formada por opúsculos médicos ya publicados. La última versión es, en realidad, el capítulo XL del De propria vita “Felicitas in curando” (OOI 31b-34b), libro que, como todo el mundo sabe, se publicó póstumamente en París el año 1643.
1. Guillaume Casanate a Cardano. Edimburgo, 28 de septiembre de 1551.
Fuente: Girolamo Cardano, Opera Omnia I, 89a-92a.
/89a/
1. Guillaume Casanate a Cardano. Edimburgo, 28 de septiembre de 1551.
Fuente: Girolamo Cardano, Opera Omnia I, 89a-92a.
/89a/
S. P.
Cum in omnibus novis coniuctionibus plurimum intersit, Vir eruditissime, qualis primus aditus sit, & qua commendatione amicitiae fores aperiantur, aequum existimo huius mei ad te scripti (hominis & si tibi incogniti, tui tamen studiosissimi) rationem reddere. Plerisque iucundissimae amicitiae causa est geniorum quaedam veluti sympathia & similitudo. Aliis ea amicitia ad vitae suavitatem non parum facere videtur, quae studiorum similitudine conciliatur. Magnam certe vim habet ad alliciendas & coniungendas amicitias studiorum ac naturae similitudo. Nihil quippe est appententius similium sui, nihil rapacius quam natura. Haud difficile nihilominus accidit ut huiuscemodi amicitiarum nexus dissolvantur. Praesertim cum mores educatione, colloquiis, commerciis varientur, studiorum similitudo in dissimilitudinem pro occasione facile permutetur: mihi vero cum Cicerone maxima conciliatrix amicitiae videtur virtutis opinio 1 . Est enim proprium virtutis conciliare animos sibi hominum, & ad suos usus adiungere, atque amicitias conservare. In ea namque convenientia rerum, in ea stabilitas, in ea /89b/ est constantia quae cum se extulit, & lumen suum extendit, & idem aspexit, agnovitque in alio, ad id se admovet, vicissimque accipit illud, quod in altero est: ex quo eorum exardescit sive amor sive amicitia. Unde nihil est amabilius virtute, nihil quod magis alliciat homines ad diligendum. Quippe propter virtutem & probablilitatem eos etiam, quos nunquam vidimus, amamus; cuius ea est vis ut (quod maius est) eam in hoste etiam diligamus. Quare quemadmodum despicimus eos qui nec sibi nec aliis prosunt, in quibus nullus labor, nulla industria, nulla cura est: sic suscepit vita consuetudoque communis ut beneficiis excellentes viros in coelum fama & voluntate tollamus, eos suspiciamus, maximisque efferamus laudibus, in quibus existimamus excellentes quasdam & singulares perspicere virtutes, atque eos quorum vita perspecta est in rebus honestis atque magnis, & bene Reipublicae facientes, quorum virtus & studia fructuosa sunt aliis, sibi autem laboriosa, aut periculosa aut certe gratuita. Qua parte tanto plerosque maximae famae, nec minoris ingenii, aut eruditionis superasti, quanto te variarum artium studiosos tibi tuo isto indefesso scribendi studio devinxisse, vel satis norit is qui tantorum tuorum monumentorum laborumque vel minimum (ex unguibus leonem aestimo) degustarit. Ego ex tot, tantisque immensi laboris scriptis, quorum in libello de libris propriis catalogum recenses, solum vidi libros de Sapientia, & de subtilitate, & de consolatione, qui una cum libris de sapientia annexi sunt. Hos mihi anno M.D.XLIX. dum Tolosae medicinam facerem, amicus iuris peritus humaniorum admodum studiosus dedit; illos autem de subtilitate hoc anno M.D.LI. in Scotia ubi nunc ago, ab illo amico accepi. Hi ex tam multis soli apud me sunt: ex quorum lectione tanta mihi reliquorum cupido incessit, ut nisi spes esset iis aliquando, imo etiam brevi frui, eorum carentia mihi longe gravior esset. Quemadmodum enim summa laude & gloria dignum esse lectione digna humanoque generi utilia scribere, sic aliorum vigiliis ac literariis frui laboribus, maxima mihi voluptas videtur: qua tandiu me tuis caruisse ut doleo & moleste fero, sic futurae lectionis expectatione consolor. Tua namque in scribendo copia, varietas, multiplex lectio, rerum observatio, sententiarum ornata gravitas, pura castaque narratio, facit ut in tuis monumentis profundissimam memoriam, expertissimam industriam, & acerrimum iudicium quisque deprehendat, laudet, colat, atque veneretur. Me vero plurimum delectavit quod librum de Sapientia quintum evolvens, viderim quod tibi iure vendicas experimentum, ubi inter caetera sic scribis: Sed quid si ars ipsa non alat, nec ullus ad aliam detur transitus, novum aliquod inventum excogitandum est (semper enim novitas rei gratiam parit) quod in quacunque re magnam affert utilitatem. Cum in hac urbe invidia diu laboremus, nec lucrum suppeditaret expensis (sic durior est spectatae virtutis, quam incognitae conditio, & nemo propheta in patria sua est honoratus) multa ut nova invenimus, tentavimus in arte: nam extra artem /90a/ nihil non cessit. Tandem phthisis quam phthoe vocant, multis saeculis curam deploratam excogitavi, sanavique multos, qui nunc supervivunt, nec difficilius quam Gallicum morbum: rationem etiam curandae aquae, quam intercutem dicunt multis iam sanatis inveni. Sed pro inventione ratio dux erit, experimentum autem magister, aliorum opera incitamentum. At pro experimento si periculum sit tentandum, leviter ac paulatim 2 . His duobus a te inventis experimentis non minus homines tibi devinxisti, quam medicinam auxisti. Nam si non levis est momenti artem quamvis praeclaris magnificisque operibus exornare, & ei incrementa adiungere temporum excursu, ad quae priorum nunquam vel ingenium vel industria penetravit, quanto magis in arte omnium praestantissima, & quae in totius humani generis salutem comparata sit, abstrusum quiddam & reconditum depromere, quod a vulgari genere philosophandi & popularibus sententiis abhorret, immensae utilitatis videtur? Non pauci idcirco falluntur, qui medendi artem veterum labore inventam, satisque consummatam rati non ultra progredi contendunt. Voluntque posteros omnes uno quasi filo deductos iisdem insistere semper vestigiis, de quibus nefas sit vel transversum (quod aiunt) unguem decedere. Viam illi prorsus obstruunt inveniendis novis, & illos impudentiae graviter accusant, quod in eo omne studium collocarunt, ut aut novum quippiam contenderet, aut traditas ab antiquis artes iam quasi vetustate collapsas fulcirent, aut illis adderent, quae partim diligentia, partim experientia, partim aetate essent progrediente consecuti, & quae tempori magis, quam scriptoribus defuerant. Huiusmodi morosiora quorundam ingenia nosse oportuit, nihil simul & inventum & perfectum esse. Omnium enim rerum principia parva sunt, sed suis progressionibus usa augentur. Quippe nihil est in natura rerum omnium quod se universum profundat, & quod totum repente evolet. Sic omnia quae fiunt, quaeque aguntur acerrime, levioribus principiis natura ipsa praetexuit. Et quod ait Comicus: Nunquam ita quisque bene subducta ratione ad vitam fuit, quin res, aetas, usus semper adportet aliquid novi, aliquid moneat, ut illa quae te scire credas, nescias, & quae tibi putaris prima, in experiundo repudies 3 . Itaque ut cum D. Fernelio Medico Lutetiae claro loquar, tam peccant qui a veteribus pervestigata omnia comprehensaque esse contendunt, quam qui eisdem primam rerum cognitionem detrahunt, illosque de veteri disciplinarum possessione deiiciunt 4 . Sed fortasse prolixius quam epistolae alteri negocio destinatae usus requirat. Ego, ut ad rem revertar, tuae eruditioni, virtuti, & sapientiae, qua cum assiduo studio de studiosis literarum omnibus bene mereri non desinis, ita me addictum, ita devinctum sensi, ut iam diu nihil animo aeque optatius habuerim, quam ut mihi sese offerret occasio, qua quam gratus esset erga te animus meus, possem declarare. Quae res tametsi serius quam voluissem, successerit, nunc demum tamen tam grata cum opportunitate se obtulit, ut tibi & mihi non mediocriter gratuler. Mihi tum ob R.A.R.D. 5 /90b/ & Moecenatis mei a te uno tanquam sibi propitio Aesculapio expectandam & expetendam sanitatem, tum ob mutuam & mihi exoptatam tuam consuetudinem, qua frui hac una me posse semper sum confisus. Tibi vero gratulor quod haec res & utilitatem tibi no parvam, & laudem, ut spero, longe maiorem allatura sit, cuius amor (cum & virtutis sequax sit gloria) generosis animis veluti stimulus ad praeclara facinora est innatus. Unde hoc ingratum tibi futurum tantum abest ut existimem, quin potius maxime optandum putem. Rerum enim expetendarum, ut Cicero secundo de inventione testatur, tria sunt genera 6 . Nam est quoddam quod sua vi nos allicit ad sese non emolumento captans aliquo, sed trahens dignitate: quod genus, virtus, scientia, veritas est. Aliud autem non propter suam vim & naturam, sed propter fructum atque utilitatem petendum, quod pecunia est. Tertium est ex horum partibus iunctum, quod & sua vi & dignitate nos inductos ducit, & prae se gerit quandam utilitatem, quo magis expetatur: ut amicitia, bona existimatio. Haec tria una hoc negocio, vir optime, haud admodum difficulter potes maxima cum voluptate consequi. Quippe hinc tuae virtutis ac scientiae summa apud exteras etiam orbis partes erit praedicatio: hinc facultatum domesticarum non mediocris proventus: hinc multorum bonorum amicitia accedet, & incredibilis existimatio. Quibus te moveri patiare aequum est: praesertim cum omnes expetamus utilitatem, ad eamque rapiamur, nec facere aliter ullo modo possumus, ut autor est in Offic. Cicero 7 . Nam quis est qui utilia fugiat, aut quis potius qui ea non studiosissime persequatur, potissimum quando cum dignitate & honestate coniungantur? Sed quorsum haec omnia tendant, accipe; Regni Scotiae Gubernatoris humanissimi principis frater Illustrissimus S. Andreae Archiepiscopus, cui iam exactis circiter quatuor annis sum a Medicina, annum agens plus minus quadragesimum, anno ab hinc decimo, asthmate periodico, ex repentina immensi caloris ex parvae sphaere reticularis sub canicula ludo contracti in frigus permutatione & frigida ac humida victus cum temporis ratione vexatur. Prima autem morbis accessio fuit cerebri in pulmones destillatio, cuius etiam tum temporis comes fuit raucedo, quae praesentis medici praesidiis pro temporis occasione ablata est, relicta tamen mala frigidiori & humidiori cerebri temperatura, a qua materia praeter naturam in capite aggregatur, quae ideo paulatim asservatur, quia cerebrum nec proprium alimentum probe concoquere (praesertim cum sanguine pituitoso nutriatur) vel vapores ad ipsum ex inferioribus partibus delatos prae imbecillitate valet resolvere; quae quidem ex praecedenti accessione derelicta facit, ut quoties reperitur in toto corpore materia, quae propriam substantiam, vel vaporem, aut qualitatem, cerebrum impetere valeat, nova superveniat accessio: defluente nempe in pulmones eodem humore. Hinc iam periodica destillatio, cuius cum aliarum causarum signa praeteream, ea potissimum est nota, quod in totum fere citra febrem comitantibus propriis /91a/ etiam destillationis indiciis, illi veluti sano ex manifesta causa confestim accidit. Quae certe accessio singulis fere Lunae coniuctionibus, & oppositionibus, imo etiam quadris veluti certis circuitibus aggreditur: hanc quidem spreto, ut hactenus, aut saltem sedulo non adhibito Medicinae auxilio, in continuum tandem fluorem abituram (ita tempore subripere vires corporis vires morbi possunt) periculum est, potissimum cum iam fere continuo maxime noctis tempore nonnihil defluat. Atque hinc non mediocriter pulmones imbecilliores redduntur. Serosus enim, liquidus, aquosus, pituitosus, & dulcis, aut insipidus (alioqui si acris, aut salsus fuisset, & pulmo exulceratus, & morbus Tabes dictus, Graecis φϑόε, dudum subsequutus esset) est defluens in pulmones. Unde initio tenuis & paucus tussi magna excernitur. Nam tussi levatus ab expirato aëre divulsus ac dissectus in pulmones refluit; postea coctus & modice crassatus, qualis tenuis & crassi medius fuerit, a viribus thoracis valentioribus cum mitiore tussi copiosius expiutur. Qui idem rursum paucus si crassus & lentus evaserit, tum tussi validissima foras mittitur: quare tenacius haeret humor quam ut per hanc possit avelli & levari ad fauces usque. Hinc dyspnoea, seu spirandi difficultas cum stertore mox ubi praecepta est angustia a qua caliditas in corde & pulmone augetur, quae quidem respirationem, magnam, vehementem, velocem, frequentem magna ex parte facit, ac exufflando (quod caloris aucti proprium est) per os spiritum calidum & ferventem per quam quoque aër parcior quam per sanitatem trahitur, etiam multum dilatato thorace. Caeterum pulsus arteriarum mollis illi est, parvus accessionis initio creber, frequens, inordinatus, & inaequalis angustiam & dolorem partium respiratoriarum & calorem nativum auctum demonstrans, cum aër attractus angustiae viarum causa cordi refrigenrando & pulmoni, ut iam dixi, non sufficiat. Itaque urina, ut ex ea indicia non praeteream, subrussa, & ut plurimum mediocriter tenuis, sed instante accessione longe tenuior & alba, cruditatem per se ferens cum hypostasi pauca, aliquantulae obstructionis nota, & bullis quandoque in media superficie desidentibus, humorem ad pulmonem defluxum significantibus, quandoque solam coronam integra serie occupantibus, urinaeque concoloribus capitis affectionem indicantibus. Accessionis vero tempore subrubra, & post accesionis vigorem longe rubrior & frequenter micta & pauca ob dictam superius rationem, urina cernitur. Totus corporis habitus admodum gracilis: & cum tabidis Hippocratica facies maxime accedat, nihil tamen illi proximum habet praeter collapsa tempora ob musculorum (quos a temporibus crotaphitas appellant) substantiam diminutam: reliquae faciei partes a sana fere nihil absunt. Itaque dum morbus dat inducias, ita habent totius corporis robora ut hominis penitus sani munia obire valeat; qua maxime ratione tanto morbo idonea praesidia & ipsi eo tempore adhiberi & ipse valide perferre queat. Habes morbi integram rationem, quem hactenus ut lenirem, & ne in deterius /91b/ rueret praecaverem: quibus remediis, quo labore, qua industria fuerim usus aliquando faventibus Superis intelliges. Ego enim absolutam illius curationem neque unquam expectavi, nec quantumvis efficacissimis praesidiis contingere posse confido, tum propter caeli humiditatem (& si non nihil salcedinis ex maritima participet) & ventorum impetum, tum ob illius perpetuos laborum cruciatus, quibus Reipublicae causa, quae fere tota ex eo tanquam tenui filo pendet, noctes diesque distorquetur ita, ut vix in tanta negotiorum vastitate interspirare liceat, multo minus sanitati indulgendo ea praestare quae bonus noster Hippocrates 8 non solum in Medico, sed & aegroto & caeteris summe desiderat. Iam vero quibuscunque negotiorum tumultibus relictis, Lutetiam omnium disciplinarum genere, & maxime Medicina civitatem florentissimam profectus est, totam sanitati operam ibidem navaturus. Quoniam autem a me de tua singulari virtute, eruditione eximia, & exercitatissima in re Medica experientia, frequenter monitus est, suppetias tuas tanquam morbi validissimum propugnaculum avidissime Archiepiscopus exoptat: quibus iam ita confidit (quod ad restituendum sanitatem non parum conducere videtur) ut inde sibi accessuram sanitatem tanquam ex Apollineis propitiis manibus persuasum habeat. Itaque non solum hac in re consilio tuo uti, sed tua praesentia frui tam cupidus est, ut nulli cuivis sumptui, quo te Lutetiam possit ad aliquod dies allicere, velit parcere. Quamobrem fac, obsecro, ut te tam multorum & magnorum Philosophorum alumna Lutetia semel videat, tam multi docti amplectentur & admirabuntur: & cuius scripta magna cum religione volvunt, cum maiori honore suscipiant, colant, & venerentur. Itaque quantum temporis viae peragendae voles, quem comitatum, quos sumptus, quantum nummi, tantum ab eo qui has perfert, accipies; nec si aetas, corporis valetudo patitur & adsit voluntas, quo citius res peragatur, angariarum praestatio deerit; nec etiam si opus fuerit, Principum commeatus, seu utriusque patriae fides publica. Hoc denique unum scito, vir optime, tibi cum humanissimo & liberalissimo Principe negotium esse: de quo non minus tuto tibi ipsi polliceri potes, quam ipse de te expectationem concepit. Ille a te corporis bonum expectat, tu non mediocris fortunae accipies: imo non fortunae sed potius laboris tui, & singularis doctrinae ac virtutis merita praemia. Quod si aetas, Musae domesticae, Penates, tempus, negotia, amici, vel aliud quodvis eo te adduci non patiantur ut Lutetiam accedas, saltem Lugdunum tibi viciniorem & famosam civitatem venias. Hoc a te pro tua humanitate contendimus, honoris bonique non vulgaris causa optamus, non uni etiam optimo Principi hac ratione solum obsequuturus, sed totam unam Rempublicam & regnum tibi plurimum devincturus. Quod si petitorum neutrum (quod non expectamus) concesseris, interim prudentis tui consilii morbo dicto (qui in Phthisim aut deterius, quod Deus avertat, ruere promptus est) oppugnando idonei nos integerrime, obsecro, mone: & quod visum /92a/ fuerit, accipe, nihil omittens quod in illius demolitionem facere posse deprehenderis. Quod quidem pro tua syncera fide facturum non dubito. Quemadmodum enim tu inter tam multa & magna tua & nunquam interitura monumenta quaecunque ad humani generis salutem non profutura existimasti, si nocere cum hoc etiam possent, nullo modo superesse voluisti: ut in libello de libris Propriis testaris 9 : sic quam sis, ut profiteris, consecutus in quibusdam desperatis multis praecedentibus saeculis morbis a D.O.M. 10 curandi rationem, aliquando promulges, non sepelias aequum est. Iniquum siquidem est in utilissimis toto humano generi praeceptis aliquid aut perpetuo recondere: aut aliud sentire, aliud scribere; maxime cum, ut in Adagio est, Expertes invidentiae sint Musarum fores 11 . Sed ecce dum his literis summam manum admoveo, occurrunt duo a te xviii. de Subtilitate libro qui de mirabilibus inscribitur, commemorata, quorum alterum ad impinguandum homines mirifice facere testaris, alterum a te inventum mirum in modum conferre anhelosis & suspiriosis asseris 12 . Horum neutrum nobis experiri hic contigit, tametsi utraque in rem nostram non parum facere videantur. Itaque quantum ad ozimum attinet, in referendis ipsius facultatibus ita inter se dissentiunt Dioscorides, Galenus, & Plinius, ut nullo pacto illorum sententiae conciliari possint. Sed de his nunc satis. Denique mandavit Iff. A.R. ut tempus tibi constituerem mensem Ianuarium, quo veluti stato & conducto die Lutetiam venias: vereor certe ne hyemis iniuria veniendi opportunitatem remoretur, aut voluntatem adimat. Sed occasio quae Hippocrati praeceps est 13 , facit, ut urgeam. Vale, vir excellentissime. D.O.M. te diu incolumem servet, & genium tuum ad scribendum in dies extimulet, ut rei Medicae literarumque bonarum studiis diu prodesse possis, & nominis tui hac ratione immortalitatem comparare. Edenburgi xxviii. Septembris 14 . M.D.li.
Notas
1 Cicerón, Laelius de Amicitia 37, 18.
Notas
1 Cicerón, Laelius de Amicitia 37, 18.
2 Cardano, De sapientia (1544), pp. 259-260; OO I, 578a. El pasaje entre paréntesis “(sic durior... honoratus)” es un añadido de Casanate que remite a Cicerón, Ad Brutum 24, 10 y a Lucas 4, 25.
3 Terencio, Adelphoe , 855-858.
4 Jean Fernel, De abditis rerum causis libri duo , Paris, C. Wechel, 1548, p. 3, ll. 26-29.
5 I do not know the precise meaning of these acronyms that in any case, it seems clear that they relate to the person of the archbishop could be R [everendissimi] A [rchiepiscopi et] R [everendissimi] D [omini] or R [everendissimi] AR [chiepiscopi] D [omini].
6 Cicero, De inventione II, 157.
7 Cicero, De officiis III, 101.
8 Hippocrates Aphorismi I, 1, in the Latin version which accompanies the Comment de Cardano a esa misma obra dice: “Vita brevis, ars vero longa, occasio praeceps, experimentum periculosum, iudicium difficile. Oportet autem non solum seipsum praestare opportuna facientem, sed & aegrum, & assidentes, & externa”.
9 DLP, p. 135: “Quaecumque enim ad humani generis salutem, non profutura existimavi, si nocere cum hoc etiam possent, nullo modo superesse volui”.
10 Deo Optimo Maximo o Domino Omnium Magistro.
11 Erasmo, Adagia 1.2.85.
12 OO III, 648b-649a.
13 Véase nota 8.
14 El resumen contenido en el De libris propriis de 1562 (DLP, p. 346) da una fecha ligeramente diferente: “IX. calendas Octobris”, que equivale al 23 de septiembre.
2. John Hamilton a Cardano. Edimburgo, 4 de febrero de 1552.
Fuente: Íbid. , 92b-93a.
/92b/ Redditae sunt nudiustertius Medico nostro mihique perlectae tuae litterae xxiii. die Novembris scriptae. His autem ut singularem eruditionis absconditae, & perfectae virtutis tuae opinionem nostram, doctissime Cardane, aequasti, sic per te praecipue restituendae nobis certo sanitatis expectationem auxisti. Qua iam antea stimulatus Medico nostro maxime suadente, ad te tanquam mihi propitium & propositum Aesculapium morbi profligandi causa recurrendum existimavi. Non de aliorum doctissimorum Medicorum praesidiis diffisus, verum de tuis auxiliis mihi plurimum pollicitus. Cum autem ipse iam aliquot exactis mensibus, ut ex Medici nostri literis abunde satis intelligere potuisti, hac solum ratione Lutetiam petere statuissem, gravissimis certe & urgentibus inevitabilibusque tandem negotiis interceptus ab instituto desistere sum coactus. Quare dum aliam viam hic proximam mihi studiose apparandam duco, incessit cupido virum hunc qui has perfert mihi iam elapsis quatuor annis a Medicina, tui studiosissimum, quique in iam dictam tui opinionem nos coniecit, ad te mittere, ut tuo deinceps consilio prudentissimo, atque, ut Deo ita dispensante expectamus, saluberrimo, cuius semper sitientissimus fuit, armatus, expeditus, morbo profligando praesidia exquirat, adferat, atque adhibeat. Scripsit is ad te satis ample iussu meo, de mei ipsius temperamento, morbi origine & progressu, omnemque fere eius rationem tibi meo iudicio ob oculos proposuerat. Sed quoniam hoc etiam ipsum haud facere satis videbatur, quo hoc quicquid est negotii, facilius, fidelius, ac foelicius exequeremur, dictum nostrae valetudinis studiosum & fidelem ministrum tibi destinavimus, ex cuius sermone mutuaque collocutione spero tibi meam morbique universam rationem ita perspectam fore, ut postea nihil ad absolutam eius cognitionem merito possis desiderare. Nihilominus, quia ut ait Poëta, Nec retinent patulae commissa fidelius aures, Quam quae sunt oculis subiecta 1 : & quae cernuntur certiora sunt, quam quae audiuntur, inventaque (quod prudentissime dicis) in inventorum ipsorum manibus mirum in modum relucent, hoc unum pro singulari tua humanitate atque erga nos capta benevolentia contendo, ut qui Lutetiam scripta tuis literis conditione venire destinaveras, Scotiam quoque qua voles conditione adire semel statuas; fidem publicam, viaticum, comitatum praestabit qui has perfert, dabitque, si quod pactum inter te & illum initium fuerit, P. Franciscum Restam aut alium trapezitam Mediolani sponsorem. Hoc denique unum tibi, Cardane optime atque eruditissime, pollicebor recto pectore, nullam te temporis vel laborum iacturam facturum, non mediocrem autem facultatum proventum, maximum honoris famae atque existimationis fructum inde consequuturum. Quare tibi persuadeas velim me longe plura velle, & posse praestare quam polliceri. Quod haud dubie si nostra /93a/ causa tantum laboris insumpseris, re ipsa atque experientia deprehendes. Vale doctissime Cardane laresque nostros, non usque adeo, fortasse ut putas, Scythicos invise. Edenburgi iv. Februarii. M.D.lii. De caeteris autem his literis non commemoratis Gulielmo Casanato qui eas tibi reddet, fidem dato.
Nota
1 La cita une dos versos independientes de Horacio, Epistolae I, 18, 70 y Ars poetica 181. La fuente para esta combinación tal vez sea el adagio 1.1.100 de Erasmo (“Oculis magis habenda fides, quam aures”), que cita ambos.
3. John Hamilton a Cardano. St. Andrews, 1 de octubre de 1554.
Fuente: Íbid ., 93b.
/93b/ Binas tuas literas accepi superioribus mensibus mihi etiam gratissimas per quemdam Angliae Mercatorem, alteras vero per dominum Episcopum Dun Rordensem, una cum Balsamo Indico. Postremas tuas literas accepi a Scoto cum elegantissimis tuis commentariis in difficillimum opus Ptolemaei. Quibus omnibus ample & abunde ter quater responsum est. Permultas enim ad te dedi literas: incertum mihi tamen an tuas in manus devenerint. Nunc autem famulo tibi noto Romam proficiscenti mandavi, ut excellentiam tuam inviseret, & meo nomine salutaret, gratiasque ageret nedum de tuis munusculis variis & gratissimis, sed etiam de sanitate magna ex parte restituta, morbo propemodum depulso, viribus auctis, vita denique quodammodo recuperata. Ista namque omnia atque corpusculum ipsum tibi acceptum fero. Quandoquidem a tempore tuorum Medicamentorum tanta arte & dexteritate praescriptorum & compositorum, morbus ille mihi peculiaris & rarius & levius multo me invasit: quandoque enim accessiones solitae vix in mense semel, aliquando vero bimestri spatio me opprimunt. Nec tum quidem urgent, neque premunt more solito, sed solummodo persentisco levissime. Ingratitudinis vitio me insimulari liceret (quemadmodum ingenue fateor) si ista tot & tanta beneficia non recognoscerem, & gratias referrem. Sed iam Epistolam ad te mitto vivam (nempe hunc Michaëlem) idcirco oro, ex animoque precor excellentiam tuam, ut si usui tibi esse possim ope, opera, aut opibus, isti renunciaveris: qui me quam celerrime certiorem faciet; id ubi ego rescivero, in promptu rem factam esse existimato. Praeterea Dominus Gulielmus Casanatus Medicus anno superiore lares invisit paternos, neque adhuc reversus est. Vir sane multis nominibus & honore dignus, cuiusque necessitudo & cohabitatio iucunda fuisset. Multum tuam tamen excellentiam praemonere volo atque obsecro, ne a munere scribendi solito mihi deficias, & ne seiunctis corporibus, animi fiant disiuncti, sed praesentes perpetuo. Famulos & tuos domesticos meo nomine salutatos opto. Vale, ex nostra Metropolitana sede Sancti Andreae Kalendis Octobris. M.D.liv.
2. John Hamilton a Cardano. Edimburgo, 4 de febrero de 1552.
Fuente: Íbid. , 92b-93a.
/92b/ Redditae sunt nudiustertius Medico nostro mihique perlectae tuae litterae xxiii. die Novembris scriptae. His autem ut singularem eruditionis absconditae, & perfectae virtutis tuae opinionem nostram, doctissime Cardane, aequasti, sic per te praecipue restituendae nobis certo sanitatis expectationem auxisti. Qua iam antea stimulatus Medico nostro maxime suadente, ad te tanquam mihi propitium & propositum Aesculapium morbi profligandi causa recurrendum existimavi. Non de aliorum doctissimorum Medicorum praesidiis diffisus, verum de tuis auxiliis mihi plurimum pollicitus. Cum autem ipse iam aliquot exactis mensibus, ut ex Medici nostri literis abunde satis intelligere potuisti, hac solum ratione Lutetiam petere statuissem, gravissimis certe & urgentibus inevitabilibusque tandem negotiis interceptus ab instituto desistere sum coactus. Quare dum aliam viam hic proximam mihi studiose apparandam duco, incessit cupido virum hunc qui has perfert mihi iam elapsis quatuor annis a Medicina, tui studiosissimum, quique in iam dictam tui opinionem nos coniecit, ad te mittere, ut tuo deinceps consilio prudentissimo, atque, ut Deo ita dispensante expectamus, saluberrimo, cuius semper sitientissimus fuit, armatus, expeditus, morbo profligando praesidia exquirat, adferat, atque adhibeat. Scripsit is ad te satis ample iussu meo, de mei ipsius temperamento, morbi origine & progressu, omnemque fere eius rationem tibi meo iudicio ob oculos proposuerat. Sed quoniam hoc etiam ipsum haud facere satis videbatur, quo hoc quicquid est negotii, facilius, fidelius, ac foelicius exequeremur, dictum nostrae valetudinis studiosum & fidelem ministrum tibi destinavimus, ex cuius sermone mutuaque collocutione spero tibi meam morbique universam rationem ita perspectam fore, ut postea nihil ad absolutam eius cognitionem merito possis desiderare. Nihilominus, quia ut ait Poëta, Nec retinent patulae commissa fidelius aures, Quam quae sunt oculis subiecta 1 : & quae cernuntur certiora sunt, quam quae audiuntur, inventaque (quod prudentissime dicis) in inventorum ipsorum manibus mirum in modum relucent, hoc unum pro singulari tua humanitate atque erga nos capta benevolentia contendo, ut qui Lutetiam scripta tuis literis conditione venire destinaveras, Scotiam quoque qua voles conditione adire semel statuas; fidem publicam, viaticum, comitatum praestabit qui has perfert, dabitque, si quod pactum inter te & illum initium fuerit, P. Franciscum Restam aut alium trapezitam Mediolani sponsorem. Hoc denique unum tibi, Cardane optime atque eruditissime, pollicebor recto pectore, nullam te temporis vel laborum iacturam facturum, non mediocrem autem facultatum proventum, maximum honoris famae atque existimationis fructum inde consequuturum. Quare tibi persuadeas velim me longe plura velle, & posse praestare quam polliceri. Quod haud dubie si nostra /93a/ causa tantum laboris insumpseris, re ipsa atque experientia deprehendes. Vale doctissime Cardane laresque nostros, non usque adeo, fortasse ut putas, Scythicos invise. Edenburgi iv. Februarii. M.D.lii. De caeteris autem his literis non commemoratis Gulielmo Casanato qui eas tibi reddet, fidem dato.
Nota
1 La cita une dos versos independientes de Horacio, Epistolae I, 18, 70 y Ars poetica 181. La fuente para esta combinación tal vez sea el adagio 1.1.100 de Erasmo (“Oculis magis habenda fides, quam aures”), que cita ambos.
3. John Hamilton a Cardano. St. Andrews, 1 de octubre de 1554.
Fuente: Íbid ., 93b.
/93b/ Binas tuas literas accepi superioribus mensibus mihi etiam gratissimas per quemdam Angliae Mercatorem, alteras vero per dominum Episcopum Dun Rordensem, una cum Balsamo Indico. Postremas tuas literas accepi a Scoto cum elegantissimis tuis commentariis in difficillimum opus Ptolemaei. Quibus omnibus ample & abunde ter quater responsum est. Permultas enim ad te dedi literas: incertum mihi tamen an tuas in manus devenerint. Nunc autem famulo tibi noto Romam proficiscenti mandavi, ut excellentiam tuam inviseret, & meo nomine salutaret, gratiasque ageret nedum de tuis munusculis variis & gratissimis, sed etiam de sanitate magna ex parte restituta, morbo propemodum depulso, viribus auctis, vita denique quodammodo recuperata. Ista namque omnia atque corpusculum ipsum tibi acceptum fero. Quandoquidem a tempore tuorum Medicamentorum tanta arte & dexteritate praescriptorum & compositorum, morbus ille mihi peculiaris & rarius & levius multo me invasit: quandoque enim accessiones solitae vix in mense semel, aliquando vero bimestri spatio me opprimunt. Nec tum quidem urgent, neque premunt more solito, sed solummodo persentisco levissime. Ingratitudinis vitio me insimulari liceret (quemadmodum ingenue fateor) si ista tot & tanta beneficia non recognoscerem, & gratias referrem. Sed iam Epistolam ad te mitto vivam (nempe hunc Michaëlem) idcirco oro, ex animoque precor excellentiam tuam, ut si usui tibi esse possim ope, opera, aut opibus, isti renunciaveris: qui me quam celerrime certiorem faciet; id ubi ego rescivero, in promptu rem factam esse existimato. Praeterea Dominus Gulielmus Casanatus Medicus anno superiore lares invisit paternos, neque adhuc reversus est. Vir sane multis nominibus & honore dignus, cuiusque necessitudo & cohabitatio iucunda fuisset. Multum tuam tamen excellentiam praemonere volo atque obsecro, ne a munere scribendi solito mihi deficias, & ne seiunctis corporibus, animi fiant disiuncti, sed praesentes perpetuo. Famulos & tuos domesticos meo nomine salutatos opto. Vale, ex nostra Metropolitana sede Sancti Andreae Kalendis Octobris. M.D.liv.
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